16 days against vaw (25 nov.-10 dec.) 2007

[in romana: Campania 16 zile de activism contra violentei 2006 si Brosura LF-Ro despre activism contra violentei de gen (PDF)]

16 DAYS OF ACTIVISM AGAINST GENDER VIOLENCE ’07 – Demanding Implementation, Challenging Obstacles: End Violence Against Women

Since 1991, the 16 Days Campaign has helped to raise awareness about gender violence and has highlighted its effects on women globally. Each year, thousands of activists from all over the world utilize the campaign to further their work to end violence against women. The campaign has celebrated victories gained by women’s rights movements, it has challenged policies and practices that allow women to be targeted for acts of violence, it has called for the protection of people who defend women’s human rights and it has demanded accountability from states, including a commitment to recognize and act upon all forms of violence against women as human rights abuses.

In the last decade, activism related to and awareness about the impact and consequences of gender based violence has grown dramatically. A wide spectrum of organizations, networks, and individuals are focusing on gender based violence as a critical issue and are campaigning globally and locally for protection from and prevention of all forms of violence against women (VAW).

While there has been much progress made, challenges still persist that hinder the effectiveness of the work being done by anti-VAW activists and organizations. The 2007 16 Days Campaign dedicates this year’s theme to overcoming those challenges and obstacles in order to gain long overdue results in the struggle to end VAW. In collaboration with others, the 16 Days Campaign seeks to help dismantle obstacles and overcome challenges posed by social attitudes and policies that continue to condone and perpetuate gender based violence.

Challenges and obstacles have been identified by activists in all regions of the world, and we have chosen to highlight a few of those here. These can be addressed both as demands to be made on the state or other institutions and as actions that we must take in our own work in order to achieve better results. A few suggestions for focusing advocacy in this year’s campaign include:

* Demanding and securing adequate funding for work against VAW;
* Calling for greater accountability and political commitment from states to prevent and punish all forms of violence against women in practice, not just in words;
* Increasing awareness of the impact of violence against women, including engaging in measures to end it by men and boys;
* Evaluating the impact and effectiveness of work to prevent violence against women;
* Securing the space for advocacy and defending the defenders of women’s human rights in their work to end gender based violence.

The 16 Days Campaign continues to highlight important issues raised in past years, including looking at VAW as a public health crisis, the intersection between HIV/AIDS and VAW, and the protection of women human rights defenders. The campaign will also promote valuable advocacy tools such as key recommendations from the 2006 Secretary General’s study on VAW. More information can be found in this year’s kit, including fact-sheets and information relevant for campaigning!

More on the 16 Days Campaign site:
About the 16 days
2007 Action Kit
2007 International Calendar (Romania)
Violence Against Women Bibliography & Resources

re: trafic

Din Ziarul de Garda, publicatie independenta din Rep. Moldova axata pe investigatii privind coruptia larg raspandita, crima organizata, saracia, nedreptatile sociale, violarea drepturilor omului si traficul de persoane:

“Sclavia umana exista”
Nr. 121 (15 martie 2007)

Nadia este o victima. Atunci cand ABC News a filmat–o, nu a dorit sa isi arate fata. Cu patru ani in urma, ea a plecat de acasa pentru a gasi niste oportunitati mai bune. In loc de sansa cautata, ea a incaput pe mainile unei grupari criminale si a devenit sclava.

«Am fost dusa intr–o casa, unde mi s–a spus ca trebuie sa devin prostituata», spune tanara. «Nu am vrut sa fac asta. Aveam doar 14 ani.»

Nadia spune ca cei care au sechestrat–o au batut–o pana cand i–au rupt maxilarul. Dar ea nu putea nici macar sa fuga pentru ca i s–a spus ca familia ei va fi gasita si nenorocita.

Este greu de crezut ca astazi exista sclavie. Dar exista. Si actualmente acest fenomen se numeste trafic de fiinte umane.
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The anarcha-feminist magazine RAG #1 (Dublin) – Rape Culture

Sexual violence is a huge problem in our society. Sexual assault is not something that happens to other people elsewhere but is something that has happened to a significant number of people in any community, group or setting. Yet sexual violence is rarely talked about, the extent of it is not widely known and outside the feminist movement it is seldom taken up as a political issue.

—- This article sprang from a case of rape in a community of activists which, in the various meetings, workshops and discussions that followed, forced people to try to deal with a problem which is usually hidden. The whole issue proved to be quite divisive. It became clear to anyone listening that sexual violence is something of which a shocking number of women have their own personal experience. Continue reading

anti-gipsy racism and the symbolism of the female body

Enikő Magyari-Vincze

[“Rasism antitiganesc si simbolistica trupului feminin”]

The attitudes and discourses of politicians, journalists, people from the street or internet users towards the recent act of violence and crime in Italy perpetrated – seemingly – by a Romanian citizen brings to the fore many (re)sentiments and ideas about “who we are”, or about “our” position in relation to those we think are superior/inferior compared to “us”, or about what we think “others” expect from “us” and what expectations “we” may have regarding “them”. Beyond the crime, these reactions symbolically express processes of cultural (self)positioning of people who are perceived and defined as “Romanians in Europe”. These processes take place after the political blessing of Romania’s accession to EU, and they obviously have material and existential consequences for those concerned. One realizes that the interpretation and explanation of a crime carried out in a given place and at a given time by an individual against another is not accidentally framed in particular terms. This is why we need to wonder what all these recounts, narratives and debates are about, what they do represent while also producing the events due to their interpretive power of attributing them certain meanings.
Below I will show that the all too politicized scandal denotes first of all that social exclusion, underlied/justified by the racialization of the excluded individuals or groups, is responsible for the recent anti-gipsy hysteria from Italy and Romania (which on its turn has well-defined political aims). The events also illustrate the way anti-gipsy racism – in order to legitimate and make more popular its actions or to increase its power for mobilization – appropriates and manipulates the female body, which has became on this stage a symbol of the Italian nation jeopardized by intruders perceived through their supposedly inferior (or even criminal) “race”.

In this case, too, trying to figure out what it is happening people make use of the classification systems they have acquired during their socialization as individuals and collectivities. Among them the ethnicized/racialized and the gendered classifications are prominent. The dichotomy between “Europeans” and “Romanians”, “westerners” and “easterners”, “Romanians” and “Roma”, or between “Italian woman” and “Roma man”, as any cultural distinction is produced through everyday social relations, but also in the context of particular political and economic interests. This distinction has well-defined social functions that point beyond the organization of the interpersonal relations on which it is used in a direct way and which it tends to interpret here and now. Because it is a distinction that superficially generalizes personal traits and actions attributing them a presumably universal or group-like character. Traits are not only allocated to groups, but the latter are automatically compared and organized in hierarchies (on different value scales ranging from ‘good’ to ‘bad’, from ‘civilized’ to ‘primitive’ and so on). As a result, certain groups are collectively excluded from the pool of “acceptable” or “normal” people, or even from “humans”. From the perspective of those who have the power to control classifications, but also for those who do not have means for self-representation, the stake of these symbolic games is to establish who is the winner and looser in this messy business and implicitly who deserves access to resources, rights or even life.
In a society that favors the individuals and collectivities belonging to ones own ethnic group and in which people try to explain differences and inequalities resorting to biology, we can expect that in critical situations ethnocracy and racism are going to become more visible and to manifest very intensively. In such cases they will mark social relations as racial by placing all the individuals assumed to belong to a certain category into one (inferior or superior) “race”. Moreover, they will initiate reactions against the “inferior races” (solutions similar to that of Hitler’s, Mussolini’s, or of Antonescu’s) borrowed from a past that suddenly becomes relevant for the present. In addition, racism and ethnocracy racialize traits, activities, phenomena and social problems, consequently anyone who or anything that is seen as inferior, unacceptable, not wanted or outsider, becomes “gipsy” or “gipsy-like”.
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women and tech stuff

because unfortunately the tech-related discussions planned for ladyfest were all cancelled in one way or another, i’m listing here the materials i’d prepared for some of it, in case someone finds them useful as resources:

Femeile din Romania – slab educate, prost platite, neimplicate in luarea deciziei

Comunicat de presa
CPE – Centrul Parteneriat pentru Egalitate
Bucuresti, 26 septembrie 2007

Diferente de salarizare intre femei si barbati continua sa existe in majoritatea domeniilor de activitate. Cea mai mare diferenta se inregistreaza in industrie, unde salariul barbatilor este cu peste 60% mai mare decat cel al femeilor. Chiar si in domenii feminizate, ca administratie publica si comert, salariile barbatilor sunt mai mari decat cele ale femeilor cu peste 15%.

Un numar semnificativ de angajati barbati acceseaza concediul pentru cresterea si ingrijirea copilului, insa, ponderea majoritara, de peste 70%, ramane reprezentata de femei.

Nivelul de educatie in randul femeilor este foarte scazut: aproape trei sferturi dintre femei au maxim 8 clase si numai 3% au absolvit studii superioare, in timp ce numarul celor care nu au nici un fel de studii se situeaza intre 5 si 12%. Comparativ, nivelul de instruire al barbatilor este mai ridicat decat cel al femeilor, 60% dintre acestia avand maxim 8 clase, iar 4% studii superioare. Discrepanta cea mai mare se inregistreaza in cazul analfabetilor, numarul femeilor fara nici o instruire fiind de 2,8 ori mai mare decat cel al barbatilor in judetul Botosani si de peste 4 ori mai mare in judetul Giurgiu.

Participarea femeilor la luarea deciziei in plan local ramane extrem de scazuta, ponderea femeilor in Consiliile Judetene fiind intre 6,5% si 24,2%.

La nivelul Inspectoratelor Teritoriale de Munca nu s-au inregistrat plangeri pe motiv de discriminare intre sexe.
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… and these appeal to women, HOW?

gallery of sexist ads, parts 10^20 and 10^20+1:

“Alicia Silverstone Strips for Animals?” (yeah, of course PETA is involved)

“Pornography of War (Literally)”
as “bonus,” some more depictions of women being demeaned/abused that are making the rounds… because it’s all part of the same continuum:
Video of domestic violence
Blonda batuta de concubinul ei [Blonde beaten up by her live-in boyfriend]
(make sure to check out the “average joe” responses to these: “so what,” “she deserved it,” “why didn’t she just leave?” are among the mildest reactions to the video on youtube, and most of them, especially on the romanian site, are truly vile, misogynistic and violent… while the video is being sent around as a “joke”)

CAREFUL, links 3-5 contain images that could be seriously triggering!

[zina lf-ro#2] Feminism “made in China”

[english version here]

Am o prietena care s-a intors acum vreo 3 saptamani din Noua Zeelanda. Impreuna cu tone de povesti si fotografii minunate ale padurilor, muntilor si vailor, ea mi-a adus o mica revista feminista: MUSE – “o zina din Wellington, care incearca sa acorde spatiu vocilor tinerelor feministe din Aotearoa (denumirea Maori pentru Noua Zeelanda)”. Sa o citesc a fost pentru mine o experienta aproape mistica, pentru ca parea atat de strain si exotic sa stiu ca aceasta mica fanzina venea dintr-o tara atat de indepartata, despre care nu stiam nimic. Asa ca ma bucuram sa am o experienta directa cu anumite subiecte, pe care le mentionam in mod obisnuit doar ca pe fapte teoretice generale (precum „restul lumii” sau „Asia”) si despre care nu prea aveam cunostinte. Realizez din ce in ce mai bine cat de centrata pe valorile europene am crescut. Realizez cum lipsa mea de prejudecati inca vocifereaza sfios de sub o patura groasa de egocentrism, importanta proprie si auto-indulgenta, devenita deja „intrinseca” civilizatiei noastre occidentale. Eforturile exprimate de articolele scrise de catre femei in MUSE nu sunt de cealalta parte a planetei doar din punct de vedere geografic, dar si foarte departe de problemele cu care ne luptam noi aici. Si mi-am dat seama ca lupta mea pentru egalitate si dreptate poate deveni, fara ca eu sa intentionez asta si fara sa-mi dau seama, un dusman al luptei pentru egalitate si dreptate a altor femei, aflate in zone straine si indepartate. Precum efectul fluturelui… cauzat in special de lipsa de informare asupra acestor experiente, culturi si viziuni politice “exotice”. Unul dintre articole vorbeste despre cum experientele femeilor asiatice in spatii feministe au fost adeseori concentrate in intregime pe analiza de gen si a raportului femei-barbati, si cum de multe ori ele simteau ca “dinamica dintre femeile albe si cele de culoare este de cele mai multe ori lasata deoparte”. De asemenea, se spune ca “inca si mai putin discutat este impactul pe care drepturile femeilor albe liberale l-au avut [si probabil inca il mai au] asupra femeilor de culoare”.
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