Daily Archives: June 28, 2007

some anti-violence history

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from Rethinking Rape – A Site for Resistance and Activism:
(Laws and Definitions)

History of Rape Laws in the US:

In the mid-seventeenth century, Sir Matthew Hale introduced the idea of “a woman scorned” into English common law. The myth of the woman who is rejected by a man and then seeks revenge by falsely accusing him of rape remains prevalent in society even today. The creation of the myth of this vindictive woman serves to exonerate perpetrators of rape and in essence, perpetuate the notion that real rape is a rare offense that occurs between strangers. Until the 1970’s in America, jurors in rape cases were read Hale’s warning that although rape is a horrific crime “it is an accusation easy to be made, hard to be proved, but harder to be defended by the party accused, though innocent” (Reeves Sanday, 1996). Until only recently in our nation’s history, women in the United States were subject to male violence and had little to no recourse or any means of achieving justice.

The women’s movement of the 1960’s spawned the anti-rape movement which incited change in the legal arena and was the first time that acquaintance rape was identified and studied. Rape crisis centers, Take Back the Night marches, Speak Outs, feminist organizations, and published research accounts challenged the public’s ideologies regarding the definitions as well as the prevalence of the act of rape.

Rape law reform was an important aspect of the anti-rape movement. At this time, many traditional ideas and commonly held notions about rape were challenged; such as, the idea that the degree of a woman’s resistance was the deciding factor as to whether a rape occurred. Since the 70’s, resistance has become a less important determining factor in the law and the issue of verbal consent has become increasingly significant. The link between rape and alcohol, as well as other sedating substances, has only recently come into the anti-rape discourse and laws. Even today, the idea that a man could rape his wife is considered impossible to many in our society; in fact, marital rape remains noticeably absent from many state’s rape laws.

For a more thorough account of the evolution of rape laws in America check out Peggy Reeves Sanday’s amazing book: A Woman Scorned: Acquaintance Rape on Trial (1996)

OTHER HISTORIES:

More from the history of the movement, its impact on laws, policies and public views and attitudes, its successes and failures:
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[zina lf-ro#2] “Reimaginarea justitiei sociale de jos in sus: Includerea experientelor femeilor rome”

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Pentru note de subsol, referinte si intregul text al lucrarii:
– http://projects.essex.ac.uk/EHRR/archive/pdf/51.pdf –
– Alexandra Oprea, “Re-invisioning Social Justice from the Ground Up: Including the Experiences of Romani Women“ –

[Lucrarea se concentreaza pe excluderea femeilor rome din discursurile feministe si anti-rasiste dominante (in mainstream) in Europa. Aceasta excludere este atribuita intersectionalitatii si politicilor de identitate problematice. Autoarea discuta invizibilitatea femeilor rome perpetuata de programe si rapoarte ale organizatiilor ne-guvernamentale (ONG-uri) si explica absenta femeilor rome din discursuri rome si feministe, privirea ne-critica asupra culturii rome si vulnerabilitatea femeilor rome din Romania la violenta domestica. Textul pune accentul pe faptul ca analiza problemelor sociale trebuie facuta de jos in sus, luand in considerare experientele celor care intampina greutati multiple, cum ar fi femeile rome sarace. In concluzie, lucrarea discuta importanta recunoasterii privilegiilor ca fundatie a unor discursuri si a unei cercetari atotcuprinzatoare.]

Femeile rome neglijate de politicile anti-rasiste, politicile feministe si ONG-uri locale si internationale
Dinamicile care tin de rasa, clasa economica si gen plaseaza femeile rome intr-o pozitie precara, a carei consecinta sunt de multe ori casatoria timpurie, lipsa de acces la munca decenta, la servicii de sanatate si la educatie precum si o vulnerabilitate mai mare la violenta domestica. Date statistice dezagregate, o unealta esentiala pentru a adresa acest tip de subordonare structurala, s-au dovedit a fi greu de colectionat in cazul femeilor rome. Deoarece astfel de date sunt adeseori colectionate pe criteriul rasa sau pe criteriul gen, ele nu reflecta cu exactitate situatia femeilor rome. Excluziunea ubicua produsa de rasism, sexism si saracie inseamna de multe ori un acces redus la sfera politica pentru femeile rome. In afara de barierele de rasa, clasa si gen care le impiedica pe femeile rome de la a deveni activiste, odata ce au inceput sa-si implementeze propriile idealuri activiste anti-patriarhale, constructia problematica a politicilor de gen si rasa, in Europa si in alte zone, face ca, in cel mai bun caz, munca lor sa fie relegata la periferie. Cand femeile rome reusesc sa treaca peste aceste obstacole si sa participe in ONG-uri, ele descopera ca problemelor lor nu li se acorda aceeasi importanta ca problemelor “mainstream” ce ii privesc pe romi. Munca efectuata de femei rome pentru a combate tripla marginalizare nu este considerata a face parte din “politici rome”. De asemenea, nu i se acorda respect ca politica de gen, din moment ce priveste romnia [femei rome], care sunt considerate “tigani” si nu femei. Practic vorbind, discursurile feministe din Europa ignora existenta femeilor rome si altor femei minoritare atunci cand propovaduiesc doctrinele de “imputernicire” de gen. Cei doi termeni, “roma” si “femei”, au fost construiti in asa fel incat nu sunt considerati a avea intersectii.
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